The Local Government (LG) elections held on May 6, 2025, marked a pivotal moment in the country’s politics, reinforcing President Anura Kumara Dissanayake–led National People’s Power (NPP)’s dominance following its resounding national election victories in 2024.
The results reflect a continued public appetite for change and a growing trust in the NPP’s ability to deliver at the local authorities’ level and on those campaign pledges they made during the 2024 Presidential and Parliamentary elections.
With momentum from the Presidential and parliamentary polls, the ruling NPP entered the LG elections well-prepared. It secured 266 out of 339 local authorities—including 23 Municipal Councils, 26 Urban Councils, and 217 Pradeshiya Sabhas. The party garnered 4.5 million votes (43.26 percent) and won 3,927 seats nationwide, becoming the clear electoral frontrunner.
The Election Commission has announced that it would take about a week to formally gazette the names of Councillors elected to the 339 Local Government bodies. The names are expected to be published this week. The Commission has also requested political parties that secured majorities in the local authorities to submit their nominations for Mayors of Municipal Councils, as well as chairpersons of Urban Councils and Pradeshiya Sabhas.
Electoral flaws
Commenting on the post-election manoeuvring, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) General Secretary Tilvin Silva criticised attempts by Opposition parties—including the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and several smaller parties and independent groups—to forge alliances and seize control of local councils where they were decisively rejected by the electorate.
“It is undemocratic for Opposition parties, who were rejected by the people, to now try and form Councils by allying with others who faced the same fate,” Silva said. “In 2018, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) won the local bodies. This time, we have done even better than them.”
He added that the National People’s Power (NPP) would not form Councils in alliance with any party that was defeated at the polls. “We are open to working with independent groups that are genuinely committed to serving the people, but we will not ally with rejected parties just to form councils,” Silva said.
SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara said the party had unanimously decided to claim control of 130 Local Government bodies where they have a working majority, by partnering with other Opposition forces, including the United National Party (UNP), the SLPP, and various independent groups.
Kurunegala District MP Dayasiri Jayasekara, however, accused the Government of attempting to “fish” for support from Independent Councillors by offering them monetary inducements to secure majorities in hung councils.
Adding to the mounting political drama, SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the UNP had agreed to extend its unconditional support to the SJB to form an administration in the Colombo Municipal Council. In Colombo, the NPP secured 48 seats, while the SJB won 29, the UNP 13, the SLMC 4, and the SLPP 5.
Tilvin Silva pointed to the flaws in the electoral system that allow parties with the highest vote count to lose out on Council leadership if opposing factions unite. “When the party with the most votes cannot form the council, it raises serious questions about the fairness of the system. Such backdoor alliances are not in the spirit of democracy,” he said.
Why two million voters turned away
The 2025 Local Government election was more than just a political scorecard for the ruling National People’s Power (NPP). It served as a Referendum of sorts—testing not only the party’s ability to maintain momentum from its 2024 national sweep but also its capacity to govern from the ground up. While the NPP retained dominance, the loss of roughly two million votes compared to the previous year has raised questions in some quarters about potential slippage in public confidence.
Yet interpreting this modest vote decline as a sign of a weakening mandate would be misplaced. Local Government elections in Sri Lanka operate on an entirely different political rhythm than national contests. Unlike in Presidential or parliamentary elections, where party policies, national leadership, and ideology dominate voter considerations, local polls are deeply personal affairs.
Voters often make their choices not based on party manifestos or media appearances, but on familiarity and trust built within their communities. A local Council candidate may earn support not for their party’s stance on economic reform or education, but because they once arranged a wedding hall at a discount, or helped unclog a drain during a flood years ago.
In rural and suburban wards, it’s not uncommon for candidates to win purely on the strength of long-standing personal relationships, family networks, or goodwill earned by a relative. Local Government voting is deeply personal—shaped by name recognition, village ties, or a remembered act of kindness. As a result, some voters crossed party lines or abstained altogether when no familiar or trusted candidate appeared on the ballot.
In this hyper-localised dynamic, party affiliation is often secondary to personal reputation. This means a voter who supported the NPP in 2024 might choose an Independent or even an Opposition party candidate in 2025— not out of disenchantment with the NPP, but simply because their neighbour’s cousin is contesting.
The notably low voter turnout or subdued participation at the Local Government Election to vote, which was below 60 percent , compared to over 75 percent in the 2024 Presidential and parliamentary elections, reflects a complex blend of apathy and even fatigue about the election itself.
For many voters, the Local Government election lacked the urgency and national stakes of 2024. With a sense of “mission accomplished” after delivering the Presidency and a parliamentary majority to the NPP, some supporters may have opted to stay home, believing the larger battle was already won. It didn’t cast a long shadow over NPP’s victory as some politicians have pointed out.
Erosion of civic engagement
Others were disenchanted with local-level politics, viewing Local Councils as sites of chronic dysfunction, patronage, and inefficiency.
Many voters questioned whether electing new faces would bring meaningful change to institutions long associated with corruption or stagnation.
In that context, the NPP’s ability to still emerge as the dominant party—with over 4.5 million votes and control of the majority of local authorities—underscores the strength of its national appeal, even in a terrain shaped by personal politics.
However, this decline in voter turnout has signalled a mild erosion of civic engagement. It is a cautionary reminder for the NPP that public enthusiasm is not guaranteed, and political legitimacy must be continually earned, not presumed.
The people have voted for change—but how that change is managed at the most local level will define the NPP’s future as much as any national reform.
The real challenge now lies in governance. While coalition-building, community engagement, and delivery on local promises will determine whether the NPP can consolidate its political momentum—or see it begin to erode, for Opposition parties, the Local Government arena provides a crucial testing ground for revival.
The NPP’s strong showing reaffirmed the public’s desire for a break from traditional parties. However, this surge in support comes just six months into the party’s tenure in national Government. Critics said that if public expectations are not met in the coming months, early enthusiasm could quickly give way to disenchantment. Still, Local Government elections often function as early Referendums on ruling parties—and this result clearly affirms the NPP’s growing strength at the grassroots level.
Despite its commanding seat count, the NPP fell short of absolute majorities in several key Councils—including the Colombo Municipal Council, where its 48 seats were not enough to secure control. As a result, coalition-building will be essential. In Colombo and elsewhere, Opposition parties are already moving to form alliances to contest for leadership positions such as mayor and Council chairs.
The election also exposed shifts among Opposition forces. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), led by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, secured 2.26 million votes (21.69 percent), securing 1,767 seats and leadership in 13 Councils. While its vote share remained respectable, the SJB struggled to convert this into council control.
The once-dominant Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) secured only 742 seats (9.17 percent) and failed to lead any Council, a sharp decline that underscores the erosion of its support base. The United National Party (UNP) continued its downward spiral, securing 381 seats (4.69 percent) with no council leaderships.
In contrast, the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) strengthened its regional foothold in the North and the East, winning 37 Councils and reaffirming its ethnic representation mandate. The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) won 116 seats, maintaining its influence in Muslim-majority areas. Smaller parties such as the People’s Alliance and Sarvajana Balaya secured over 500 seats collectively, while Independent groups captured Councils such as the Thirukovil Pradeshiya Sabha and the Haputale Municipal Council, highlighting the enduring significance of local political dynamics.
Although the NPP remains the largest party, the absence of single-party control in many Councils means coalition politics will dominate the local governance landscape. In several instances, the Councils are already deemed “hung”, with no clear majority, requiring power-sharing arrangements and negotiated leadership positions. If such coalitions prove unworkable, the Councils may face delays in passing Budgets and policies, and in extreme cases, could be temporarily administered by special commissioners appointed by the Central Government.
This reality demands political maturity from the NPP. To govern effectively, it must prioritise inclusive decision-making, ethnic representation, and responsiveness to community-level concerns. The party’s ability to navigate these challenges will determine whether it can translate electoral victories into meaningful governance and sustained public support.
In this new phase of governance, how the Opposition and smaller parties respond to NPP control at the local level will shape not only service delivery but the political landscape ahead.
Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna
Once a formidable force, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is now in the Opposition with diminished influence. It is likely to adopt a confrontational stance in Councils where it retains a presence. Expect vocal criticism of the NPP’s performance, particularly on service delivery lapses such as waste management or infrastructure failures. The SLPP may attempt to frame the NPP’s reformist agenda as ill-suited for local governance.
In regions where NPP support is thin, the SLPP may forge strategic alliances with Independents or smaller ethnic parties to counterbalance NPP authority. It is also expected to refocus the narrative on national issues—like economic mismanagement or foreign policy—to erode NPP credibility at the grassroots. The party will likely mobilise its regional leadership to rebuild voter confidence through localised campaigns centered on cultural identity and development.
Samagi Jana Balawegaya
As a strong Opposition force, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) is expected to engage in competitive governance, particularly in Councils where it is close to the NPP in numbers. It will likely push a welfare-oriented agenda, advocating for job creation, relief programs, and cost-of-living support to contrast with the NPP’s anti-corruption and reform platform.
Criticism of the NPP’s inability to deliver reforms at the local level is expected to intensify. In ethnically mixed Councils, the SJB may position itself as a champion of inclusivity, collaborating with Tamil and Muslim parties to counterbalance majoritarian narratives. The party’s ability to build tactical alliances will be key to expanding its influence.
Regional and minority parties
In Tamil-majority and Muslim-majority areas, regional parties such as ITAK and SLMC will continue to focus on ethnic representation and local autonomy. These groups are likely to push the NPP on issues of reconciliation, post-war recovery, land rights, and language equality.
Strategic collaboration with the NPP or other Opposition parties may occur based on mutual interests in specific regions. In some Councils, these parties may share governance with the NPP; in others, they may stand in direct opposition. Their ability to extract concessions on national reforms while delivering for their constituencies will be closely watched.
Independent Groups and local leaders
Independent groups, particularly in rural and peri-urban areas, will play kingmaker roles in many Councils. These Councillors often prioritise tangible development projects over ideology and may align with the NPP or opposition based on local deal-making.
Their support could hinge on promises of infrastructure development, budget allocations, or leadership roles. In some Councils, Independents may help form coalitions; in others, they may act as a stabilising force in an otherwise fractured council.
Competitive landscape of Local Governance
The 2025 Local Government elections were not just a Referendum on the NPP’s national success—they were a stress test for the party’s capacity to govern at the grassroots. While the NPP’s commanding lead reflects a broad public mandate, its inability to secure absolute control in many councils underscores the complexity of Sri Lanka’s local political fabric.
Coalition-building, compromise, and responsiveness will now define the success of local governance. Opposition parties, regional players, and Independents alike are poised to shape Council dynamics through strategic cooperation and sharp critique.
