The Government is in a dilemma on allowing foreign research vessels into Sri Lanka waters.
Sources from the United Nations local office and Sri Lanka’s Foreign Ministry last week said the country has not allowed a UN-flagged research ship to conduct a marine ecosystem survey including the health of the fish stock surrounding the country.
The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has coordinated the deployment of the “Dr Fridtj of Nansen” (F. Nansen), a state-of-the-art vessel to Sri Lanka from July 15 to August 20, 2025, following the request by the Government to the United Nations dated November 24, 2023.
The vessel is equipped to support Sri Lanka in the sustainable management of marine ecosystems and aquatic resources, in line with the request expressed by the Government.
Against the background of declining fishing yields, the visit of the F. Nansen will play a vital role in assisting Sri Lanka’s marine institutes in gaining urgent insights into the health of the marine ecosystem and ensure long-term food security from the sea.
With advanced technology on board, the vessel is expected to help to uncover the health, abundance, and dynamics of life below water, guiding decisions for responsible ocean stewardship, safeguarding fish stocks, diversifying through underutilised marine resources, fulfilling global sustainability and climate commitments under the Sustainable Development Goals, and maintaining and expanding export markets and preserving marine biodiversity.
Despite all the benefits, Government is unable to permit the vessel because it is yet to formulate Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) to allow such a research vessel.
The F. Nansen’s visit to Sri Lanka is organised through a partnership between the FAO and the Government, sailing under the United Nations flag. Sri Lankan fisheries experts and scientists from the National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency as well as officers from the Sri Lankan Navy are expected to closely work with the F. Nansen technical team in implementing activities in full adherence with all pertinent national legislation.
All data collected will be published only with the Government’s prior clearance. This is the fifth visit of such a vessel, the last one visiting Sri Lanka in 2018.
The FAO received a letter dated May 19, 2025 from the Ministry of Fisheries, Aquatic and Ocean Resources cancelling the F. Nansen’s visit pending the development of SOP for foreign research vessels.
The cancellation of the visit would not only incur direct losses of over $1 million to Sri Lanka through the FAO, but also reduce the efficacy of upcoming programming financed by the Green Climate Fund which would heavily rely on the data generated by the F. Nansen. If the current visit should be cancelled, another would not be feasible until after 2030.
Moreover, cancelling the visit would deprive the country of critical data essential to the Government’s decision making, damaging the prospects for economic development in a key sector of the economy.
The delay in SOP to handle foreign research vessels comes after one year ban on foreign research vessels due to pressure from India after Sri Lanka’s previous Government allowed two Chinese research ships within 14 months. Located at the heart of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka’s waters are of tremendous geostrategic importance—a crossroads for global shipping and naval routes.
In recent years, the island has found itself under pressure from neighbouring powers to regulate foreign research vessels in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Most notably, India has repeatedly raised alarms about Chinese “research” ships—such as Shi Y an 6, Yuan Wang 5, and Xiang Yang Hong 01/3—which, while officially conducting hydrographic or marine research, possess capabilities that could serve military purposes.
Colombo’s task—balancing national sovereignty, scientific development, and geopolitical alignment—is proving herculean.
Chinese vessels in Sri Lankan waters
Chinese vessels like Yuan Wang 5 (a space-tracking ship) and Shi Yan 6 (a marine research vessel) docked at Sri Lankan Ports (Hambantota, Colombo) in 2022–23 under scientific cooperation agreements with institutions such as NARA and national universities.
While Beijing maintains these are purely civilian missions, India views them as dual-use assets capable of collecting oceanographic and bathymetric data essential for submarine navigation, missile tracking, or sonar evasion—thus posing a security concern to New Delhi.
Analysts at CSIS suggest that over 80 percent of Chinese research vessels have State ties or behave in ways that promote Beijing’s strategic objectives. The presence of advanced equipment—like unmanned underwater vehicles and deep-sea sensors—reinforces suspicions of hidden military utility.
While ostensibly foreign academic cooperation, their activities in Sri Lankan waters are thus politically sensitive.
India’s security concerns, diplomatic pressure
India sees Sri Lanka as an extension of its maritime hinterland. With naval bases in Andaman and Nicobar and monitoring systems across the Bay of Bengal, New Delhi is vigilant about any intelligence-gathering activity that could compromise regional security.
Repeated calls from New Delhi, including high-level interventions by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, led to Sri Lanka declaring a one-year moratorium on all foreign research vessels from January 2024.
The former Foreign Minister publicly framed it as a technical pause to build national research capacity under UNCLOS—not a targeted ban—but Indian pressure was clearly instrumental.
Scientific loss vs strategic autonomy
The moratorium curtailed Sri Lanka’s ability to host advanced foreign research initiatives, depriving local institutions of capacity-building opportunities. Academic groups and environmental researchers voiced concerns about a “knee-cap” to maritime science, as external vessels provided sonar, survey tech, and data not available locally.
While Colombo cited the need to develop home-grown infrastructure, critics said that delaying all foreign engagement is counterproductive, especially when parallel strides in maritime partnerships (with India, Japan, France, the US) could reinforce national capacity .
The year-long ban ended on December 31, 2024. Sri Lankan authorities, citing UNCLOS obligations, opted not to extend the ban in 2025. Instead, a committee was tasked with drafting Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) for foreign research vessels, balancing security interests with international law.
These SOPs aim to standardise approval, regulate activities (e.g., equipment usage, data-sharing), define docking rights, and allow replenishments—while ensuring transparency and alignment with maritime boundaries.
Diplomatic tightrope
Colombo’s recalibration illustrates a classic balancing presence between India and China. India is it’s the largest immediate neighbour and maritime partner and China is its key financier, creditor, investor, and infrastructure builder. Western partners including the Quad nations are pushing strategic balance in the Indo-Pacific.
Former Foreign Minister Ali Sabry emphasized impartiality under the previous Government on the issue and said Colombo won’t treat countries differently—hence cannot outright block only China.
Yet Indian Prime Minister Modi secured assurances that Sri Lankan Ports won’t be used for activities inimical to India’s security when President Anura Kumara Dissanayake made his first official visit to India in Delhi last year.
Capacity building through partnerships
Sri Lanka has sought to boost maritime capacity via partnerships beyond China while working with Japan, the US, France, and India.
The island nation has initiated many programs including coastal surveillance systems and radar networks. A new Japanese hydrographic vessel with sonar has been gifted to Sri Lanka for underwater mapping.
Joint naval exercises also have been in the process highlighting India–Sri Lanka security ties to ensure the security of the Indian Ocean. Apart from this India also launched a maritime rescue coordination centre at the Colombo Naval Headquarters, in mid-2024.
These investments signal a diversified strategy—developing domestic capabilities while affirming Sri Lanka’s strategic sovereignty. However, despite all these efforts, Sri Lanka has failed to come up with the crucial SOP to allow genuine foreign research vessels, while being caught in the geopolitical cold war between India and China.
Towards a sustainable SOP framework
The SOP committee is central to Sri Lanka’s future maritime strategy. It aims to define clear criteria for vessel approval, time-limited stays, permitted activities, and vessel monitoring, mandatory data-sharing (survey maps, sample data), and Port access rules—distinguishing research, replenishment, and military vessels.
It also aims to ensure reliability and transparency in these procedures which are crucial. Their success depends on the Government’s transparency in SOP publications and decisions. The island nation has to come up with fair and equitable application across all nations, avoiding sanctions against China while appeasing India or not succumbing to Indian pressure.
Missteps and misalignment
Failing to manage this transition effectively presents several risks.
Strategic alienation: Appearing to favour China could erode Indian trust; conversely, siding with India may jeopardise essential Chinese finance.
Scientific stagnation: Over-regulation could discourage beneficial academic collaborations.
Economic repercussions: Delays in IMF disbursements and economic packages tied to cooperative maritime strategy.
Erosion of sovereignty: Partiality or opacity may leave Colombo exposed to foreign manipulation under the guise of strategic research.
Opportunities and strategic balance
Sri Lanka can transform this challenge into a strategic opportunity by institutionalising SOPs: Creating long-term governance for maritime engagement and diversifying partners with engaging more regional and Western cooperation.
Opening joint research by providing local training alongside foreign scientists also would be helpful.
Strengthening surveillance and building data-sharing alliances and monitoring frameworks would be beneficial for Sri Lanka, elevating Sri Lanka’s diplomatic voice to leading inclusive Indo-Pacific forums under the “Zone of Peace” concept.
These efforts would reinforce Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and enhance its role in regional security architecture.
