Youth have an important role to play in the economic and political development of South Asian countries. This role is defined by the social and political contexts and trajectory of each country.
The dominance of the elders in traditional societies of South Asia is one such important factor that defines and determines the nature and scope of political activism by youth which by default remains largely inactive. Unlike in developing countries the political activism of youth in developed and industrially advanced countries is not a crucial factor as the systems have already evolved and are firmly entrenched and accepted by society.
In contrast, the nature and scope of youth-led political activism in developing countries where political and economic systems are evolving, the role of youth remains crucial, as they face specific social, economic and political challenges.
The main objective of the lecture is to examine the nature and scope of political activism of Sri Lankan youth. The lecture is divided into four main parts as the definition of youth, the nature of youth led political activism, with special reference to university students, the factors that influence the current political activism of youth and the government’s response to youth activism.
Definition of youth
The definition of youth remains somewhat vague in the Sri Lankan context. According to the United Nations, the age group between 15 to 24 years is defined as a youth, and the World Health Organization also recognises the age group between 15 and 24 as the youth population and those between the ages of 10-19 years as adolescents. According to Sri Lankan demographers, those between the ages of 15 to 29 years are defined as the youth population and the Youth Services Council of Sri Lanka has accepted this definition of youth.
Given the demographic composition of a developing country such as Sri Lanka, youth play a definitive role in maintaining political stability and economic and social development. The percentage of the youth population of Sri Lanka continues to be high though on a declining trend as at present.
According to the census of 1971, the percentage of people aged 15 to 29 was 27.96 percent and in 1981 the percentage increased to 29.6 percent. According to statistics of 2016, this age group is 23 percent and approximately one in four people in Sri Lanka is defined as a youth.
Between 1991 and 2017, the labour force population in Sri Lanka between the ages of 15 and 59 was about 65 percent, while the number of dependents under the age of 15 years and over the age of 65 had decreased relative to the workforce. It is known as a “demographic dividend” as such a demographic structure is conducive for economic development. Sri Lanka was able to enjoy this bonus until 2017.
According to demographers, to reap the full benefits of such a dividend there should be political stability, an education system that prepares youth for the challenges of a complex global economic system and a concomitant social and economic development.
Countries such as China, India, Vietnam and Singapore have used the dividend for their economic and human resource development. The political activism of youth is defined and determined by this factor as well as specific historical factors attributed to Sri Lanka’s post-colonialism.
The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (M.E.P.) which came to power in 1956 marked a key milestone in the history of political activism of Sri Lankan youth. The government’s decision to extend university education in Sinhala and Tamil languages which was previously limited to the English language, opening of two new universities and the reduction of the age limit of universal suffrage from 21 to 18, contributed to the wider political participation of youth.
The leftist political parties began to form student organisations within universities which were affiliated to their political parties. The Communist Party of Sri Lanka was able to establish the Jathika Shishya Sangamaya which is considered as the first University Students Union.
The student union of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna was also able to gain power in the Students Union. This was a period when students were inspired by Marxism, Stalinism, Trotskyism, and Maoism, and their political activism was limited to agitations regarding the internal affairs of the universities. After 1965, youth politics was defined by practical issues rather than ideology and was manifest in more aggressive forms.
Students have always been involved in revolutionary politics in universities. Historically, towards the end of the British colonial era, educated Sri Lankan youth who returned from abroad having pursued their education in western countries joined the constitutional reform movement that was led by the English speaking middle class in Sri Lanka, then Ceylon. They introduced alternative objectives of national independence and socialism, and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was formed in 1935 to establish national independence and socialism.
Among the pioneers of this process were Philip Gunawardena, Dr. N.M. Perera, Colvin R. de Silva and Dr. S. A. Wickremesinhe. They waged mass agitations against British colonial rule in Sri Lanka not only inside the State Council but also outside. During this period, the Jaffna Youth Union boycotted elections in the Northern Province for the first State Council to be held under universal suffrage, and rejected the Donoughmore Constitution.
In 1971, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna challenged state power by launching an armed uprising. This violent politically motivated uprising was a protest by educated rural youth, who were mainly Sinhala Buddhists, against the prevailing socio-economic and political system in Sri Lanka.
The JVP launched its second armed struggle from 1987-89, in a more violent form and the violence was more widespread. Since the early 1970s, Tamil youth in the north and east of Sri Lanka protested violently against the prevailing political system. The Tamil youth agitation that commenced outside the scope of Parliament eventually escalated into a protracted guerrilla war and terrorism.
At present, the most prevalent form of activism are violent politically motivated protests by students drawn from higher education institutions. The violent activism of youth is not a series of isolated incidents but is an expression of deep seated socio-economic and political issues attributed to post colonialism.
Influencing factors
The transition from a traditional society to a modern in technologically advanced countries is the result of a process spanning several centuries. It was an evolving process that did not happen within a short span. In contrast, developing countries, especially Sri Lanka, which had been under the control of three Western powers for centuries, undertook various transformative changes before and after independence and these changes brought about rapid social and economic changes during the post- independence period. Consequently, Sri Lanka is not only a developing country, but is also a country in the process of rapid modernisation.
Many of the changes in the social, political and cultural spheres are attributed to this process of rapid modernisation within the context of slow economic development. The nature of social and political activism of youth in Sri Lanka is attributed to this process of modernisation that was set in motion from the 1940’s.
The demographic structure too was an added factor. Social welfare policy and practice especially, free health and social services introduced in the 1940’s shaped the structure of the population characterised by a youth demographic that expanded.
The youth demographic is usually seen as an impetus to a country’s growth. However, according to political scientists Sri Lanka’s inability to harness this demographic as a stimulus for economic, social and political development has created conducive conditions for violent youth activism.
An associated factor is education. As a result of free education introduced in 1945, availability and access to free education from primary to tertiary education expanded. The mass availability and access to free education, accompanied by mass communication as well as urbanisation, brought new values and aspirations. In such a scenario, a concomitant political and economic development becomes imperative for peaceful transition. This is particularly relevant to political stability as economic development cannot be achieved without political stability. The lack of concomitant economic development and political stability would otherwise result in widespread frustration among the youth and create a conducive environment for their mobilization for violent political agitation.
Unresolved issues
In the context of education the expansion of higher education opportunities has also played a role in determining the nature of political activism in Sri Lanka. The establishment of the University College in 1921 and later the University of Sri Lanka in 1942 is cited as the beginning of university education in Sri Lanka. University education, which was initially moulded on the elite models of Oxford and Cambridge in Britain, has now transformed into mass education.
Although the number of students currently enrolled in the university annually exceeds 40,000, the question remains as to whether some of the degree programs in some faculties have been sufficiently revised and restructured to remain of high relevance, so that graduates acquire the skills set required for the rapidly changing demands of the labour force both internally and externally.
Successive governments have been pressured to recruit graduates to the public sector, but the nature of their deployment and utilisation, the salary structure and career paths continue to remain as unresolved issues. It has to be noted that education reforms have to transcend these limitations so that education and employment are not contributory factors to violent youth activism.
The Presidential Commission on Youth Grievances appointed after the Second Uprising of the JVP in 1987/89 concluded that political patronage, undue interference in democratic processes, and poor governance are contributory factors for youth unrest.
Government Response
The nature and scope of youth participation, political process and social and economic development depends on the response of policy makers, primarily the government. The Youth Services Council, established in 1969, is one such initiative. It seeks to expand youth participation and give voice to youth while providing vocational training, welfare, recreation and skills development for young people. The youth clubs established at the lowest level of administrative units is seen as a mechanism for widespread youth participation.
The Presidential Commission on Youth Grievances recommended that an ombudsman be appointed to address the grievances of youth. The commission made proposals to expand youth representation in local government bodies. Additional recommendations were made to establish mechanisms for the widespread mobilisation of youth when compiling policies and imperatives that addressed their issues. However, the important factor is that youth representation should not only be based on the principles and practice of equity in representation but the same should be applied to youth participation.
According, to demographers, the workforce between the ages of 15 and 59 was 65 percent in 2006 and is projected to be 63.2 percent by 2031. Accordingly the demographic dividend will have an impact until 2070. Development policies therefore, need to take cognizance of the importance of political stability so vital for economic growth, and this calls for transformative changes in education and higher education institutions.
Sri Lanka has formulated sound policies, but their implementation has been hindered by lack of a bi-partisan approach and commitment for transformational change. The late Philip Gunawardena, whom we commemorate today, is one such political leader who fearlessly undertook transformative change through the Paddy Lands Act disregarding its personal consequences to his political career.
(The Speech was delivered on the occassion of the 50th Commemoration of Philip Gunawardena at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, Colombo recently.)